Chapter 6    

Table of Contents

  References


CHAPTER 7. INSTITUTIONAL MECHANISMS AND APPROACHES TO RESOLVE THESE CONFLICTS

7.1 Toward a Set of Policy Solutions

While there are several short-term remedies policy makers might adopt to manage, mitigate, or negotiate solutions to the conflicts embodied in our case studies, longer-term efforts must be undertaken to address the underlying problems that gave rise to them.  This chapter discusses such long-term efforts in two ways.  First, we examine the perceptions of state water problems and the perceived viability of various remedies to them as viewed by a sample of stakeholders interviewed for this study.  Second, we assess the pros and cons of various mechanisms and approaches for managing water allocation utilized in other regions of the U.S. and around the world.  These include water marketing, changes to law and regulation, and interstate compacts.  We conclude by offering general recommendations for consideration by state policy makers. 

7.2 Stakeholder Analysis Survey - Selection of Interviewees

We define a stakeholder as someone who has a stake or interest in the consequences of a decision and who can influence that decision.  Such an individual may speak for himself or might represent an organization with a salient interest.  In this study, a stakeholder is defined as an individual or group with an interest in the use of water in Tennessee, especially from the Tennessee River downstream of Chattanooga or from the Memphis Sand Aquifer.  Stakeholders also include voters, citizens, and residents who can influence the decisions made by governmental organizations. 

Because this definition is broad, we sought to limit stakeholders in this study to relevant geographical and categorical groups.  We emphasized representatives of large-scale interests, rather than mere individuals, and we sought to contact representatives of such groups who reside along the Tennessee River downstream of Chattanooga, or on the Memphis Sand Aquifer.  Because these stakeholders obtain the majority of their water supplies from these two sources, they are more likely to be heavily affected by decisions made regarding them.  While all Tennessee residents could theoretically be affected by any large water withdrawals, the effects on these Tennesseans would probably be greater and more immediate. 

Thirty-six (36) survey respondents were contacted from eight major groups: agriculture;  municipalities; state agencies (including those of Tennessee’s neighbors); utility districts;  industry/ business; federal agencies; conservation/environmental groups; and, recreationists.  Individual respondents were chosen principally by reputation.  For example, county agricultural extension agents were chosen for their expert knowledge of farming in a narrow geographical area.  Likewise, certain government agency contacts were chosen according to perceived interest in, and knowledge of water supply issues in Tennessee and other states. 

7.3 Survey Questions

After building a contact list of possible stakeholders, a survey was developed and administered.  Survey results were grouped according to respondent category, and then according to specific answers, to permit comparison with actual political/legal options which have ben introduced.   The survey (see Appendix B) was used to obtain specific, detailed information regarding stakeholders’ histories of water use, predictions about likely future use, and reactions to hypothetical policy responses by the state.  By focusing on drought history and changes in water use, potential problems and perceived benefits of future action could be acquired. 

The first set of questions dealt with the late 1980s’ drought.  This event was chosen for its relatively recent occurrence and severity to Tennessee’s baseline water conditions.  We believed that most stakeholders would recall this event and would be able to remember specific characteristics about it.  Those who could recall the drought were then given specific follow-up questions, including: indicators of its presence (i.e., “how did they know we were experiencing a drought?”), implications for their organization, and how it changed their management of water.  Next, all respondents were asked their perceptions about the current drought; i.e., “are we now experiencing a drought?”  Those who believed a precipitation shortage was being experienced were then asked about possible changes in water management they would endorse as a result. 

Subsequent questions assessed stakeholders’ water sources and uses.  Issues of future water use, worries about supply, and competition for available supply were included.  These questions were used to sort respondents according to water source, as well as examine their perceptions of Tennessee’s current and future water supply.  The final section of the survey assessed stakeholders’ opinions and reactions about six hypothetical ideas for dealing with competition over water supplies.  Based on a limited knowledge of plans used in other states, stakeholders simply gave their reactions to specific, hypothetical actions that Tennessee could take.  

7.4 Data Analysis

Completed survey responses were placed into a database for ease of analysis.  In order to quickly and easily assess stakeholders’ reactions to proposed plans, their answers were placed into one of five categories: unqualified support, qualified support, no opinion, qualified against, and unqualified against.  Based on their comments on each idea, a generalized answer was assigned.  For example, if a respondent seemed to generally support a position but expressed some hesitancy regarding its administration or viability, we interpreted this as “qualified” support.

Once responses were classified and entered into the database, two major groupings were established.  The first was categorical; i.e., to compare responses within a specific sector such as agriculture.  The second was by source of water use, ground vs. non-ground (surface, combination of ground and surface, and so on).  The latter was a basic geographical distinction placed on the responses, since most, if not all, groundwater users surveyed obtain their water from the Memphis Sand aquifer.  These two groupings allowed comparing attitudes between ground- and surface-water users.

7.5 Sector Analysis - Agriculture

Agriculture has historically been an important economic sector and political constituency in Tennessee.  Livestock and cash crops, such as soybeans and cotton, are important to the state’s economy.  Water is, of course, vital to the agriculture.  Crops and livestock cannot survive without it.  Therefore, it is important to understand how farmers respond in times of shortage. After surveying several agricultural extension agents and representatives of various agricultural interest groups, we observed four trends regarding water supply problems. 

First, those who depend on groundwater (10 surveyed) as their primary source seemed less likely to have changed water management during drought in the past.  They also tended to expect little or no change in water management in the future.  Second, however, those who depended primarily on surface water (11 surveyed), or upon a combination of ground- and surface-water, tended to have changed management of water in the past or expect a change in the future.  These inclinations were observed in responses to questions about past practices during drought and perceived worries about water supply.  Third, agricultural interests using groundwater seemed to voice little or no worry about their water supply, either currently or for the foreseeable future.  However, one stakeholder did voice a concern about heating and cooling systems taking water and possibly running the wells dry.  Another believed that water pollution would be a major supply concern.  Fourth, several surface water users (or combination ground and surface water users) voiced various concerns.  For one, it was sediment deposits changing stream flow.  Four stakeholders mentioned the possibility of running out of water, especially during severe drought conditions.  One even stated that “everyone” has a long-term concern about water supply. 

Reactions toward possible solutions (question 12) did not seem to as closely follow differences in water source.  In general, if an association did exist, it tended to be the result of groundwater users’ belief in a seemingly endless supply of water for their use.  As a general rule, agricultural interests were predictably  wary of intrusion by outside sources, especially state or federal bureaucracy.  However, many of those surveyed were against these solutions only because they did not see a need for them.  This was most evident on “proposal” for statewide data on water withdrawals (12a); a statewide planning process for communities (12b); and a permitting process for withdrawals (note: most would resort to the latter only in extreme situations) (12c). 

A drought management plan (12d) was the most universally accepted plan among agricultural interests surveyed.  Many even said that it should already be in place, and under local control.  A mediation process (12f) also seems to be widely acceptable.  The selling of water rights (12e), however, was the single instance where a fairly prominent distinction could be seen between ground and surface water users.  Groundwater users tended to be strongly opposed to markets, while some surface water users could accept it.  One reason for this could be that surface water users felt that they would have more control over a resource they could see and, perhaps measure, something impossible to do with groundwater.

Overall, the most acceptable solutions for agricultural interests surveyed appear to be a drought management system or a mediation process.  However, others (including withdrawal permitting) would not be ruled out if a case could be made for their need.  For agriculture, the most important part of the process seems to be demonstrating that there is a problem.  Most respondents would be averse to any government intrusion without clear justification.  

7.6 Sector Analysis - Water Utilities

Water utility districts are knowledgeable sources of information on water use in a given area.  Because of this, we interviewed ten municipal utility district officials who met the geographical requirements for inclusion in this study.  Like agriculture, their responses tended to cluster into general trends.  Utility representatives who recalled the late-1980s’ drought tended to cite increased water use as a major problem.  Of the eight who recalled the drought, and who depended on groundwater, two changed their water usage during the drought.  In addition, the single utility official who believed we are currently experiencing a drought stated that a change in water management would result.  For surface water, one of the four utility officials who remembered the drought changed water use.  Of the two who believed we are currently experiencing a drought, both expected to change water usage, through increased pumping or limiting usage. 

Three of the ten groundwater utility officials surveyed expressed concern over water supply.  Two stated that contamination was a concern, while the other saw low water pressure and the possibility of depletion water supplies as major worries.  Among surface water utilities, one out of five officials surveyed said that growth within the next fifty years would exceed their production capabilities.  Overall, most utilities were not concerned about their water supply.  No general trends regarding ground versus surface water users emerged.

Reaction to possible water supply remedies was mixed.  Both ground and surface water supply officials tended to support a statewide data set (12a).  Those who opposed it stated that it was not needed (especially in groundwater utilities) or that it would create more work for individual utilities.  A statewide planning process (12b) met with support from both groups.  In contrast, most surface water contacts did not support a permitting process (12c), although groundwater contacts were more supportive with most giving either unqualified or qualified support to such a program.  The same was true for a drought management system (12d), with only one out of five surface water contacts giving unqualified support.  Groundwater users expressed support for such a measure, though responses were mixed.  Almost all who supported such a measure agreed that local control would be better.  Selling water rights (12e) generated mixed responses.  A large number of groundwater contacts supported this solution, but only one surface water contact gave it any support.  The last hypothetical strategy for managing water, a mediation process (12f), had less support from utilities than agriculture.  Most groundwater utilities liked the measure, but surface water utilities did not. 

Overall, most utilities seem more open to change than agriculture.  They did not, for the most part, display the same attitudes toward government regulation as did agricultural officials.  However, groundwater utilities, in contrast to groundwater agriculture contacts, were more supportive of all the measures described.  Surface water utilities were less likely to support these measures, unlike their agriculture counterparts.  In all, there was no single issue that utilities would categorically not support, although they displayed no dominant general trend. 

7.6.1 Sector Analysis - Recreation, Conservation, Industry

For the remaining six categories, a much smaller number of contacts was surveyed.  The numbers are not large enough in any of these categories to discern trends.  Thus, we simply provide a brief overview of findings.  Two conservation organizations responded via e-mail.  Both respondents expressed concerns about water supply, citing the refusal of some to ration during drought and the impact of new water supply projects as their main concerns.  They were also concerned with the construction of new dams and the impact they could have on aquatic ecosystems.  These officials offered their support for a statewide data set (12a), a statewide planning process (12b), a process for water withdrawals permits (12c), and a drought management system (12d) with local control.  However, they both opposed selling water rights or developing a mediation process. 

Three industrial contacts were surveyed from both Chattanooga and the West Tennessee area.  One recalled the drought of the 1980s and claimed his firm had to change the kind of dye it used in its manufacturing process.  Two of the three expect an increase in water use over the next ten years.  None of the three expressed concern about their water supply, however.  When the ideas about managing water were described, all three offered support to the statewide set of data (12a), statewide planning process (12b), and drought management system (12d).  The permitting system (12c), selling water rights (12e), and mediation were viable options for two of the three contacts.  Overall, industry’s main concerns were self-preservation and economic.  They were receptive to some regulation if it would enhance benefits or maintain their current position. 

Only one recreation contact, an official of a recreation organization, was interviewed.  This contact provided information about how recreational businesses, specifically those dealing with rivers and streams, are affected by water shortages.  While this contact did not express major concern about the supply of water, he was concerned about TVA water management strategies.  The statewide set of data (12a) and mediation process (12f) ideas were most favorable.  All other hypothetical plans were opposed, on ground they were unnecessary.

State and federal agencies and municipalities were not contacted directly.  However, they did provide other contacts for the survey as well as general suggestions regarding survey format and content.  Chambers of Commerce were contacted as sources for industry information. 

7.7 Summary of Survey Results

Overall, those contacted generally favor establishing a statewide set of water supply data, forming a statewide planning process, developing a drought management system, and mediating disputes.  The least favorable options are a withdrawal permitting system and selling water rights.  The greatest obstacle to any policy change is convincing stakeholders that they are needed in the first place.  A lack of concern about water supply is prevalent in almost all groups.  While they may be worried about water quality, they believe that water is plentiful and free.  This attitude is especially noticeable in stakeholders that use groundwater as their primary water source.  Surface water users who can actually see changes in streamflow are more likely to perceive that there are limits in the amount of water that can be used.  It would probably be easier to convince these users to use conservation strategies or to support proposed plans than to convince groundwater users of the same.  In short, the survey suggests that there would be considerable resistance to radical change in water management on the part of many current users.  If their rights can be seen to be in jeopardy, then the state should consider acting to inform these citizens about impending or contemplated changes.        

7.8 Water Allocation Mechanisms - A Brief Overview

This section discusses mechanisms and approaches for managing water allocation which are utilized in other regions of the U.S. and around the world.  These include water marketing, changes to law and regulation, and interstate compacts. 

7.8.1 Water Marketing

Water markets have arisen under extreme drought conditions, generally require a large physical infrastructure for “moving” water, and, if imposed by state statute, could be seen as a “takings” issue (Frederick, 1998).  Three issues should be considered in weighing the adoption of some sort of water market for managing water supply. 

First, under riparian law, there is no right to a specified amount of water, and no such thing as “excess” water.  Thus, it is not really possible to contract delivery of a specific amount of water for a specified term.  Statutory change would be required to make water marketing work in Tennessee.  Moreover, if this market is mandatory, damages/compensation might have to be paid.  If the market is voluntary, damages to downstream riparians might occur. 

Second, efforts to follow a market approach by allowing the sale and transfer of water rights brokered through state or local banks have had mixed success, depending to some extent on the legal “base” of the community.  In the western U.S. where the prior appropriation doctrine allows more definite claims to specific quantities of water, there is growing movement away from absolute claims to “first in time, first in right.”  Despite water scarcity, there is greater emphasis on preserving and protecting in-stream flows regardless of existing appropriative rights (Anderson and Leal, 1988).

Finally, water marketing can be politically unpopular, particularly among residents of the “importing” region.  Consistent with the findings of previous studies, a recent study in the San Joaquin Valley of California and the Grand Valley of western Colorado found that residents of a water-exporting area are more likely to oppose water transfers than are residents of a water-importing area.  Moreover, regardless of area, residents are likely to have strong reservations of free markets as a means of allocating water (Keenan, Krannich, Walker, 1999).  Water exporting region concerns include potentially adverse impacts, and fairness in allocation.  While no one particularly approved of water markets, agricultural interests had a stronger tendency to agree with water transfers generally and to have a greater acceptance of water marketing.

7.8.2 Alternatives for Legal Reform - What do Tennessee’s Neighbors Do?

The six states that surround Tennessee all follow the riparian doctrine of water law.  All of these states have enacted statutory modifications to riparian law that go farther than the modifications that the Tennessee General Assembly has adopted (See Figures 7.1 through 7.6).  Georgia has experienced considerable population growth that has led the state to adopt permitting for both surface and groundwater.  Alabama, meanwhile, requires the registration of all public water supply withdrawals and other withdrawals over 100,000 gallons/day.  Alabama's water resources are shared, in part, with Georgia.  Conflicts with Georgia over shared water sources have led to the enactment of two interstate compacts that may result in increased state regulation of water use in Alabama.

Kentucky has had considerable problems with water use by the mining industry.  The state has adopted permitting for both surface and groundwater withdrawals as a result.  Statewide planning carried out by area development commissions is mandated by state law.

Pressures on water supplies created by large withdrawals by industrialized agriculture coupled with several extended droughts have led Mississippi to enact legislation requiring permits for all water withdrawals except for domestic use.  In fact, Mississippi has what is probably the nation’s most comprehensive water supply statute.  The original groundwater permit statute and the subsequent 1985 Omnibus Water Resources Act were adopted with considerable consultation and involvement with the agricultural interests in the state that would be most affected by the laws. 

North Carolina has experienced fewer development pressures than Georgia.  Nevertheless, the state legislature has passed legislation allowing capacity use areas to be designated.  Permits are required for water withdrawals in designated capacity use areas.  All other withdrawals over 100,000 gpd must be registered.  North Carolina has adopted a study and permit requirement for all interbasin transfers of more than 2 MGD or increases in existing transfers of more than 25%.  Much like the preparation of an environmental impact statement, the study must be completed before issuance of a permit to transfer water will be considered.   

Finally, Virginia requires registration and annual reporting on all withdrawals from either surface or groundwater of 30,000 gpm or more.  A Virginia Water Protection Permit is required in any case where a federal permit is required under Section 401 of the Clean Water Act. 

As Tennessee faces increasing demands on its water supplies, there is much that the state can learn from its neighbors.  The political processes that brought about the registration and permitting requirements in the states surrounding Tennessee are of particular interest.  We have noted that there is considerable resistance to increased regulation of water use expressed by agricultural interests in Tennessee in particular.  We can assume that similar resistance arose in surrounding states.  The manner in which this resistance was overcome and consensus reached will be of interest to Tennessee officials who are looking to avoid the problems with water supply that these other states have faced.

7.8.3 Interstate Compacts - Pros and Cons

Interstate compacts, which derive their legal authority from the U.S. Constitution, are legally-binding contracts negotiated by states in order to formally allocate interstate waters, regulate water quality, manage interstate bridges or ports, provide for flood control, and/or reduce water pollution.  Compacts provide an ongoing mechanism for negotiation among parties to shared water sources (McCormick, 1994; Sherk 1994; Caldwell, 1947; Curlin, 1972; Kenney and Lord, 1994; Weston, 1984).

The Delaware and Susquehanna River Basin Commissions (DRBC and SRBC), among the nation’s oldest federal interstate water compact commissions, have been granted a broad scope of authority in all matters relating to the water resources of their respective basins, ranging from flooding to fisheries to water quality.  The DRBC was the first to include the federal government as a partner, a model later followed by the SRBC (Cairo, 1997; Derthick, 1970; Sheridan, 1998).  

Both commissions emerged from a number of water quality and supply concerns that developed in the late 1950s and early 1960s.  Over time, following informal discussions among middle-level managers and water planners, they evolved into formalized commissions with well-funded staffs and presidentially-appointed directors. 

Structurally and functionally, the DRBC and SRBC share many similarities.  They are comprised of state representatives (governors and their appointed “alternates”) and a federal representative (currently, the Secretary of the Interior and his alternate).  The DRBC and SRBC are directed to “formulate and adopt a comprehensive plan . . . for the immediate and long-range development and uses of the water resources of (their respective) basin(s) (Cairo, 1997); Delaware River Basin Compact, P.L. 87-328, 75 Stat 688, and Susquehanna River Basin Compact, P.L. 91-575, 89 Stat 1509 et seq). These plans carry “legal clout,” include all public as well as private facilities and projects, and bind the actions of both commission members and signatory states.   

Both commissions have the authority to allocate interstate waters in accordance with the doctrine of “equitable apportionment,” although they may not allocate water in any way that disturbs or impairs rights awarded to parties under Supreme Court decree without unanimous consent of the parties (DRBC Annual Report, 1997; Weston, 1999; Weston, 1995).  In recent years, both have also adopted numerical groundwater withdrawal limits and pumping regulations in areas designated as subject to water demand outstripping supply.  The DRBC may also prescribe special surface water withdrawal and diversion regulations, declare drought emergencies, and force adoption of conservation strategies.  It has even used water budgeting for managing depletive use.  While both compacts are similar in structure and function, however, the SRBC, coming into operation in 1972, not long after the Hurricane Agnes floods, has placed a greater stress on flood control and long-term planning (DRBC, 1997; Weston, 1995).

These compacts’ experiences, as well as those of the much newer Apalachicola-Chattahoochee-Flint and Alabama-Coosa-Tallapoosa (ACF-ACT) compacts - formed in 1997, and still negotiating water allocation formulae - offer five major lessons.  First, to function effectively, interstate compacts must be comprehensive in their scope of authority and viewed as legitimate in order to render decisions on a broad range of water-allocation issues.  In the words of one observer intimately familiar with both the DRBC and SRBC processes, the “parties in a basin need to recognize common problems.” 

Second, parties to an interstate compact must be willing to settle subsequent disputes surrounding the management of regional waters through negotiation and alternative means of dispute resolution rather than through litigation or U.S. Supreme Court petition.  The means by which they agree to do this is important.  Disputes addressed by both the DRBC and SRBC, especially in their first years of operation, tended to revolve around such issues as allocation of waters among the states, and the sale of water to urban areas “outside” the basin (e.g., Baltimore).  These disputes were resolved through intensive, face-to-face negotiations on a regular basis (facilitated by getting respective signatories together several times a year), careful coordination among technical staffs who remained politically-neutral, sharing of study findings among partners, and a willingness to sacrifice institutional independence when necessary.  In addition, both compacts have the power to implement, as well as to make, decisions (Cairo, 1997; Weston, 1984).   These experiences taught both commissions that it simply takes time to develop an atmosphere of trust and confidence to bring parties together in a non-litigious setting.

Third, the importance of regionally-credible data and information in facilitating recognition of common problems cannot be underestimated.  One of the elements which has most effectively facilitated the coming into being of the ACF-ACT compacts was a comprehensive study conducted by a team of federal and state agency representatives, and led by the Army Corps of Engineers.  Using 2050 as a planning horizon, the study focused on water demand, availability, and comprehensive management.  A key outcome of the study was the decision to employ an interstate compact as a tool for managing water resources.  This resulted from a careful review of previously used tools for managing natural resources in the region, input from the public, and outcomes of facilitated sessions among state and Corps of Engineer representatives. 

In short, in the absence of formal, legal mechanisms for cooperation, the study served as a forum for ongoing dialogue in both basins.  It has also served as a catalyst for a public scoping process in both basins, begun under the auspices of the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA).  The scoping process was initiated to assess the environmental impacts of potential water allocation formulas, while the NEPA assessment itself was derived, in part, from models developed for, and data collected in, the Comprehensive Study. In addition, there is some evidence that the negotiating parties have learned to work together amicably and constructively. 

This evidence of constructive negotiation, moreover, provides lessons pertinent to the quest for a bona fide regional approach to water management in the Southeast (Jaffe, 1996; Kundell and Tetens, 1998; Graham, 1999). 

Fourth, baseline comprehensive assessments can also be sources of divisiveness as decision makers move to the next level of decision-making: allocating water.  For example, some sub-state regions within the three contending states involved in the ACF-ACT disputes have already begun to express concern over the methodological assumptions and demand projections surrounding the ACF-ACT comprehensive study undertaken by the Corps, contending that too little regard is being given to realistic population and economic growth projections in these subregions (Cason, 1997; Wade and McMahon, 1999). 

Finally, negotiating parties must be willing to settle subsequent disputes surrounding the management of regional waters through negotiation and alternative means of dispute resolution rather than through litigation or U.S. Supreme Court petition.  And finally, reliance on intensive, face-to-face negotiations on a regular basis, careful coordination among politically-neutral technical staffs, sharing of study findings among partners, a willingness to sacrifice institutional independence when necessary, and the authority of the commission to implement, as well as to make, decisions are all of inestimable importance (Cairo, 1997; Weston, 1984).

Recent events suggest at least some doubt among members of Congress as to a compelling federal interest in continuing direct support of such commissions.  Since FY1997, the DRBC and SRBC have functioned without federal appropriations as a result of Congressional adoption of the recommendations of a report by the Heritage Foundation -- a Washington-based policy institute which recommended that Congress “defund” certain programs and activities whose benefits were viewed as more regional than national in their scope (DRBC, 1997; Cairo, 1997). 

Fortunately, because the value of the DRBC and SRBC is deemed sufficiently high within their operating regions, both have been able to sustain themselves despite the absence of federal appropriations.  Moreover, Congress did not vote to remove the federal government from the compacts.  However, one can reasonably ask whether there remains a federal role in the management of interstate rivers, what that role should be.  

Ironically, just as their esteem has diminished in the eyes of Congress, the significant scope of authority granted to both commissions by their partners has attracted the attention of Southeast decision makers confronted by water conflicts - and who are seeking innovative structural solutions to them.  In 1997, the DRBC’s Executive Director was invited to advise and consult with officials of Alabama, Florida, and Georgia during formulation of their compacts, and the DRBC and SRBC were explicitly adopted as models by the framers of the ACF-ACT compacts. 

7.9 Conclusions: Some General Recommendations 

In lieu of specific recommendations for legislative changes, we suggest that the first steps in policy reform are to support increased regional cooperation and sharing of information.  Efforts to bring together water management professionals and policymakers to share experiences, problems, and information - and to identify conjoint problems - should help to define any desirable changes.  We believe that five axioms follow from this:

(1) Any proposed administrative/legislative solution should take into account variation in water availability from one part of the state to another as determined by geology, needs, and custom.  There is no one-size fits all solution to water shortages or water conflicts.

This report has discussed the features, as well as the pros and cons, of basin compacts, water marketing, and other possible institutional and economic reforms.  It is not our place to recommend specific instruments for regional cooperation.  Such instruments, we believe, should be selected only after careful consideration by elected officials, and with the thoughtful input of stakeholders and citizens.  However, it is worth bearing in mind that such institutional innovations can be fine-tuned to the state’s needs.  For example, the “basin compact commission” can be applied to groundwater needs, if desired.  Thus, an interstate groundwater compact could be developed for the Memphis Sand Aquifer, if the state felt it to be advantageous to pursue this form of cooperation. 

(2) Greater inter-community cooperation in water supply planning is a workable, yet underutilized strategy. 

The status of inter-community cooperation exemplifies how this option might work, as well as the challenges in making it work.  In the fall of 1997, six independent water districts in Cumberland County, on the Cumberland plateau, for example, have signed a letter committing to work together to find a spot for a regional water supply reservoir to serve the county’s 42,000 residents.  The Corps of Engineers has asked for funding to facilitate it.  In December, 1998, the Corps’ Nashville district office completed a study designed to aid the county and its constituent communities in planning long-term needs, and in 1999, several communities concluded a compact, called a “regional water authority” (Rich, 1997; Boatman, 1999; Cumberland Plateau Regional Water Authority, 1999).  The authority’s purpose includes:  

Planning, acquiring, constructing, improving, extending, furnishing, equipping, financing, owning, operating, and maintaining a water and wastewater system, including treatment, storage, distribution and collection facilities, properties, and services provide; the selling, donating, conveying, or otherwise disposing of water and wastewater; and undertaking any project or work related therewith . . . . The purpose of the authority is also to plan and develop the water resources of the geographic region and to provide necessary wastewater collection and treatment . . .  to secure economic benefits to the geographic region that it encompasses (Cumberland Plateau Regional Water Authority, 1999). 

The challenges facing this authority may be viewed as lying on two distinct, but interrelated, levels: that of engineering design and planning.  Rapid population growth on the plateau, projected water shortages by 2010, and limited options for new supply continue to limit options for the authority. Environmental groups remain opposed to a dam on Clear Creek, a tributary of the Obed River, because of its impact upon a national wild and scenic river in the area.  By pooling funds, Cumberland county communities figure that they can tap an outside water source and avoid the dam altogether.  However, questions over projected water demand, and available sources of outside supply remain unanswered.  Also, experience in working together prior to consummating the water authority has made some officials skeptical (Rich, 1997: S5).

(3) Because water rights attach to land and are valuable, the state should consider ways to protect these land values for the current holders in the face of changing uses.  One way might to be to encourage voluntary registration of use, vest registered uses (subject to abatement in time of shortage) and allow transfer or leasing of withdrawal rights to other riparians for short terms in time of shortage.

Tennessee might want to consider adopting some form of regulated water withdrawal system, at least for those withdrawals that are intended to divert water across basins.  As we have seen, neighboring states have adopted such a strategy.  One advantage this could afford is to make less ambiguous the state’s interest in protecting against adverse impacts to established users.  Currently, as we have seen, while courts generally require return flows to the same basin from whence water is withdrawn, some withdrawals may be so large and consumptive as to inadequately protect downstream users. 

(4) Tennessee has little ability to control water sales out of state if they are legal under Tennessee law, even though interbasin transfers are usually not permitted under riparian law if complaints are made. 

Tennessee might consider instituting a program to require consultation, study, and permitting before large interbasin transfers can be allowed even if no lawsuit is filed.  The regulation of interstate commerce is a congressional prerogative.  No state law can be upheld as constitutional if its purpose is to usurp this prerogative.  Any legislation or regulation that \ Tennessee considers to manage its water resources must treat in-state and out-of –state uses consistently.  Any greater restrictions on out-of-state water transfers must be shown to be narrowly tailored to protect a compelling state interest.  Control of interbasin transfers is not a matter for constitutional scrutiny.  It is consistent with the common law of water use in the eastern states.  Much can be done to protect the state's water resources from exploitation by other states by controlling interbasin transfers.

(5) There are a number of data collection and educational tools that could be utilized to better protect Tennessee water resources.  Assuming such tools already exist in some form - they could be enhanced.  Or, if they do not currently exist - they should be developed. 

These tools include a clearinghouse for water supply data that would include a compendium of information on water withdrawals by major users, withdrawal capacity, and return flow.  Such a clearinghouse should identify who owns the data, why it is being collected, and the criteria used for its assessment.  Another set of tools would be a state-sponsored water conservation program at the K-12 level, as well as one for adults. 

In short, while the challenges of protecting long-term water supply are formidable, the opportunities for learning from the mistakes of others - and for making genuine improvements to management and policy - are ample. 


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